Recreation and Sport as an Antidote to Economic Woes

The Great Depression in Canada

Manuscript for paper presented at NASSH, 1995 by Susan Markham, revised 2003

 

Introduction

A 1994 report by Markham[1] outlined the roles of various groups and individuals acting as advocates for national recreation services in Canada in the 1930's. That paper noted several reasons for the promotion of recreation and sport, including enhancing people's well-being, preparing them for employment, or enhancing their physical fitness so that they would be ready for military service - or in the words of that paper, wellness, work or war. This paper expands on the results of research on one of those reasons for the promotion of recreation and sport, preparing people for employment - the use of recreation and sport as an antidote to the economic difficulties of the time through the use of recreation and sport either as a substitute for work, or as the product of government-sponsored work projects.

It was in the 1930's that the use of recreation and sport to deal with economic difficulties was first promoted. But what were these recreation and sport programs in the 1930's? And who delivered them? The programs first focussed on the most visible products of the Depression - unemployed and homeless men. As the Depression continued and intensified, and relief programs were not an adequate solution, other legislated programs which were much broader in scope were established. At all stages of this process, recreation and sport was considered to be part of the solution to economic difficulties. For the purposes of this paper, the phrase Arecreation and sport@ is used as a rather broad term to include a variety of activities, including outdoor recreation, physical fitness, amateur sports, games, culture, military drill, to name but a few.

Other studies[2] have noted the severe unemployment and underemployment conditions prevalent during the decade and have investigated the 1937 Unemployment and Agriculture Assistance Act and its successors as the federal government's legislative solutions to unemployment. These studies often focussed on the latter half of the decade of the 1930's. This paper, however, refocuses investigations on the early 1930's as the Depression began - a time period that is well before the legislation which emerged from the National Employment Commission was enacted in 1937. This legislated solution to unemployment was preceded by several years of concerns about employment followed by attempted remedies to unemployment by volunteer organizations operating at both community and national levels.

There were two oft-cited roles of recreation and sport as an antidote to economic conditions: recreation and sport instead of work; and recreation and sport as work. Numerous agencies were involved, including: the Canadian Council on Child and Family Welfare, the Young Men=s Christian Association, the Montreal Parks and Playgrounds Association, the National Recreation Association, the British Columbia Department of Education, and the federal Departments of Defence, Labour, and Health and Welfare, as well as other local and provincial departments.

 

Recreation and Sport Instead of Work

The use of recreation and sport as a substitute for work was evident in many Canadian communities. The most highly publicized efforts were the activities of the Calgary Leisure Time League and the Montreal Day Shelter for Unemployed Men. However, evidence found in the correspondence of the Canadian Council on Child and Family Welfare indicates that programs for the unemployed and homeless to deal with their Aenforced idleness@[3] were operational in other Canadian cities, for example, Winnipeg, Toronto, Hamilton, and Ottawa,[4] and in St. John=s Newfoundland.[5] Early in the decade of the Depression, the Council broadened its view of child and family welfare to include investigating the services available for the unemployed, and promoting the provision of such services when they were not available. The most tangible evidence of this effort was the 1932 trip, funded by the Council, made by the chairman of its Recreation Division, William Bowie, to speak with interested groups about providing recreation services for the unemployed. The correspondence and Bowie's report of this trip give an excellent picture of the state of recreation and sport services for the unemployed in the early years of the Depression from the perspectives both of the local officials and of Bowie himself. The primary focus of many of these programs was on unemployed men in urban areas. The predicament of unemployed women was largely ignored, as was the plight of the rural unemployed.

The Calgary Leisure Time League was developed and operated by the YMCA in Calgary, Alberta. The stated purpose of the League, in keeping with the mission of the YMCA, was Afor maintaining and in every way possible strengthening the morale of unemployed resident young men in Calgary between the ages of 16-30.@[6] The plan was to:

Use the League as a clearing house for community privileges and opportunities of both an educational and recreational nature. . . . Help members look upon membership in the League as a very real privilege, a badge of merit in that it unites those who desire to maintain their health and welfare, who wish to increase their social and economic skills, and who wish to train themselves so that they may be prepared for future opportunities. In short, unite those who desire to do their best in the face of a very trying situation.[7]

Many of those statements, including the notion of Aprivilege,@ give the impression of a paternalistic attitude on the part of the YMCA - letting the men know how they ought to be behaving - what they should Adesire.@ However, in contrast to those statements are Calgary YMCA guidelines that show sensitivity not noted in many services for the unemployed, no matter which decade, and note that the program administrators should ensure that staff dealing with the unemployed have Aa sympathetic and intelligent understanding of the psychology of persons out of work.@[8] Interestingly, those two statements, one about Aprivilege@ and one about Aunderstanding@ appear in the same document.  In addition to various recreation, sport, education, and entertainment activities, there were also counselling services and Afacilities for clothes pressing, shoe shining, sewing, baths, and other services to make it possible for the young man not living at home to keep up his personal appearance.@[9]

Publicity for the program was handled through the usual channels including flyers and newspaper articles, as well as the following announcement which was read from the pulpits of Calgary churches on Sunday, October 7, 1933:

The Leisure Time League recently started by the Calgary Y.M.C.A. on behalf of unemployed youth between 16 and 30 is open to except [sic] registrations. Any young man interested in utilizing their long periods of enforced leisure, in all kinds of recreational or educational activities are invited to register their names at the Central Y.M.C.A. immediately. This service is provided for unemployed young men absolutely without cost to them. Any members of this congregation may invite young men to join the League.[10]

A note on one memo about this in the national office files indicates that Athis was a most effective method of publicity and most ministers added personal comments. In some cases a league officer also made announcements.@[11] The YMCA was certainly providing services that would be a substitute for work, however, it was doing this for a select clientele and it was holding out work to be an activity that the young men were expected to seek. If work was not available, the men were to be increasing their skills and to be training for the future.

            The Montreal Day Shelter for Unemployed Men was operated by a committee of the Montreal Council of Social Agencies with staff assistance from the Montreal Parks and Playgrounds Association (MPPA).[12] While there were probably other shelters of this kind elsewhere in Canada and Newfoundland, this one received much publicity and attention because William Bowie, the Executive Director of the MPPA, was also Chairman of the Recreation, Education and Leisure Time Division of the Council on Child and Family Welfare, one of the organizations that was very active as an advocate for recreation matters in Canada. Operating through the initial years of the Depression, the shelter was established to meet the daytime needs, including recreation, of unemployed men during the winter. Presumably, during the summer months the weather was not inclement and the shelter concept was not needed.

Inherent in the philosophy of the operation of the shelter was the social control motive as noted in the 1932-33 report that the shelter Aprovides a place where several thousand men, who would otherwise be wandering the streets and almost certainly getting into mischief, can throughout the winter season find a warm place in which to spend the day and where they will find opportunities for both recreation and education.@[13] Throughout much of the literature about recreation opportunities during this period, the notion of keeping the men out of mischief, although in different guises, was repeatedly noted - to the point where the one American publication noted that:

While there is a question as to the wisdom of encouraging the unemployed to congregate while waiting for work, . . . it is obviously desirable to have some provision made to occupy their involuntary leisure, and not to leave them entirely to their own thoughts or to destructive discussion among themselves.[14]

Authors of these sentiments apparently feared that these thoughts and discussions might lead the men to political action against the government - as it did in Canada in 1935 when the AOn to Ottawa@ trek began in Vancouver on June 3rd and ended with the Regina Riot on July 1st.[15]

Whereas the Calgary Leisure Time League operated as an organization to facilitate opportunities and to match men with opportunities, the Montreal Day Shelter, occupied an accessible physical location and conveyed a prominent physical presence as part of its service to about 10,000 men. Operating out of an old school building (the St. Laurent School), the Shelter gained wide publicity including an article in the national magazine Maclean's titled AIdleness Relief.@[16] The theme of keeping men out of mischief was played upon several times in that article:

Here is a group from 6,000 to 7,000 men of the lowest type in our social order, hundreds of them of low intelligence, easy to incite under the wrong kind of leadership. Instead of walking the streets, as they had to do last year in Montreal and as they still have to do in most cities, listening to communist propaganda, begging from passers-by, picking pockets, loitering on street corners and being arrested for a hundred small causes, they are occupied. They are concentrated in one place under watchful eyes and looked after by intelligent people anxious for their welfare. They are reading good books and magazines, attending educational classes, playing games, watching the performances in their own theatre. . . . The cost of such a scheme is not high in relation to the risks which may be averted.

 In this connection, it is interesting to note that when a communistic demonstration was scheduled to take place in Montreal on January 25, the attendance of the Day Refuge showed little or no decrease, proving to the management that the men were appreciative of what was being done for them. They are not anxious to indulge in any such demonstration; and in fact the demonstration organized for that day was a distinct failure.[17]

It was very important to the managers, the decision makers, and the politicians of the day that the unemployed be controlled and not engage in political action - and communism was especially feared. Betcherman described the sentiments of the time regarding the organizing efforts of the Communist Party of Canada :

Prime Minister Bennett was deeply troubled by these developments - the Reds were nothing less than a threat to country, church, and family - and vowed to crush the party and its nefarious disciples with Aan iron heel of ruthlessness.@ In stamping out this scourge, however Canadian authorities, including the prime minister, tended to see any form of public dissent or protest by the unemployed as the work of Communist agitators. They were also afraid that disillusioned veterans and impressionable youth, many of whom made up the ranks of the single jobless, might fall into the clutches of the Communists.[18]

Relying on civic grants and donations of books, magazines, papers, games, puzzles, cards and records, the shelter provided a wide variety of passive recreation activities. The facility also provided spaces for sports and for a theatre where performances created by the men and by outside groups were put on.[19] In keeping with a philosophy which included both recreation and education, the shelter also provided educational classes - reportedly with limited success. The 1932-33 report notes with a lament that:

The Committee from the opening of the Day Shelter has been desirous of securing the largest attendance possible at the Educational classes. The attention of the men was repeatedly directed to the fact that such classes were provided and they were urged to avail themselves of the opportunities offered to employ their enforced leisure in securing knowledge which would be of value to them.

Only a very small proportion of them however could be induced to avail themselves of these educational opportunities. Most of them were incapable or undesirous of putting forth the mental effort needed to follow even a simple course of study; nevertheless the men who entered the educational classes worked diligently and made substantial progress....The daily average was 84.7 men.[20]

The shelter also operated a boot repairing department, a clothes mending department and a first aid department. Thus, although the shelter did provide a place for recreation instead of work, there was ample attention given to the more basic needs of the unemployed men, and the underlying emphasis on getting men ready to return to work - and most certainly to keep them out of mischief.

A theme that has not been explored in previous recreation and sport research is that of the view held by  administrators and reporters of the intelligence and discipline of the unemployed men. In two of the accounts cited above about the Montreal Day Shelter, those characteristics were noted. The men were described as being of Alow intelligence,@ Aeasy to incite,@ in need of being Aconcentrated in one place under watchful eyes,@ and Aincapable of putting forth the mental effort@ needed to study. This paints a picture of men who were not only in need of assistance, but who were viewed as being  Adown and out@ - and perhaps incapable of being retrieved from this state - a picture that was not only discussed in the inner circles of administrators, but was also presented to the public in the mass circulation magazine Maclean's. It would be interesting to investigate how those perceptions of the men affected the efforts to raise funds to support such services - and at what point does the public view of these men become their view of themselves? Or is it the reverse, that the men=s view of themselves becomes the public view? Could recreation and sport have any chance to be the antidote to these economic and social difficulties?

William Bowie's trip west in 1932 was part fact-finding, part proselytizing about recreation. In communications with various civic and federal officials as the trip was being arranged, Charlotte Whitton, Executive Director of the Canadian Council on Child and Family Welfare noted that Bowie's presence in a community would Aimpress upon the general public the need and value of looking after the social interests of the unemployed@ and would stress Athe necessity of preventing mental depression and character deterioration.@[21]

Not all of the officials who were contacted by Miss Whitton shared the Council's perception that there was a unemployment problem. A telegram from Miss Whitton to F. W. Gershaw, the local Member of Parliament for Medicine Hat, Alberta, stated that Mr. Bowie Awould like [the] opportunity [of] discussion on common problems especially [the] organization [of] welfare services, playground and constructive activities for the unemployed@[22] in Medicine Hat. The M.P.'s telegram of reply was not overly supportive of the idea - Awe will get a committee of interested people together . . . however the general opinion here is that our situation does not require anything of the nature suggested.@[23] Mr. Gershaw may not have thought that there was an unemployment situation, but, after Mr. Bowie was in Medicine Hat, he reported that Ameetings were held with the Federal Member and an address given to a meeting of the Mayor and City Council and approximately 100 unemployed men in the Council Chambers of the City Hall . . . . The unemployed themselves appeared to be tremendously interested.@[24] The fact that 100 unemployed men chose to come to a meeting in Council Chambers would certainly appear to indicate that there was a situation worthy of concern in this city .[25]

The Canadian Council on Child and Family Welfare became actively engaged in efforts to deal with unemployment early in the decade of the Depression. The minutes of the Council's November 1931 Board Meeting noted that:

the very conditions of depression and unemployment prevailing at the present time indicate as rarely before, the urgent social necessity from the angle of character conservation of better organization for constructive activities to employ the idle time of our population, ! juvenile, adolescent or adult.[26]

How did the Council and providers of recreation services respond to this Aurgent social necessity@? Because of its mandate as a national organization, the Council did not operate facilities or run programs, rather, it operated as a clearing house for information. Through its journal Child and Family Welfare, it disseminated information from the United States, Britain and Canada. One of its key links was with the New York based National Recreation Association, whose publications were frequently cited in the journal.

The Council's response to the difficulties of the Depression often relied on its connections in the United States. The National Recreation Association held its 1931 Congress in Toronto and had several presentations dealing with the issue of unemployment. The presentations ranged from laudable rhetoric extolling the individual and societal benefits of providing recreation services to the homeless and unemployed, to specific program suggestions to provide both unemployment and activity.[27] Dr. L. P. Jacks, a self proclaimed Aeducational dreamer,@ who was Principal of Manchester College at Oxford, exhorted the assembled group to engage in what we in the 21st century would call Aleisure education.@ In his words:

For many years I have been urging that education must prepare for leisure as well as for labour and that it could never prepare for either of them effectively unless it prepared also for the other. This is what I have believed in, hoped for, aimed at, and dreamed of, and here tonight my dream has come true in the work which this conference has done, on which it has met in Toronto to promote. I rejoice to see this day.[28]

Dr. Jacks may well have been rejoicing as he spoke to a meeting of those converted to the notion that leisure and recreation were important aspects of life, but there was much work to be done and many other decision makers and politicians to convince of that belief - and many years of inaction as the laudable rhetoric was slowly converted to a few policies and to some action.

One of the oft-cited solutions to unemployment was the opening of recreation centres using recreation facilities, schools and churches. The previously noted statement from the National Recreation Association's Bulletin Service reproduced in the Canadian journal Child and Family Welfare, gives us more insights into the spirit in which the unemployed were viewed, and another look at the sense of fear that the masses of unemployed would rebel at their condition.

While there is a question as to the wisdom of encouraging the unemployed to congregate while waiting for work, . . . it is obviously desirable to have some provision made to occupy their involuntary leisure, and not to leave them entirely to their own thoughts or to destructive discussion among themselves. The cities which have established such centres are operating in connection with the emergency employment registration centres, or as near them as possible. The privileges of the centres are usually restricted to those unemployed who are conscientiously trying to find employment and use the unemployment registration card.[29]

This is yet another example of the dual notions of fearing the potential mischief of leisure and rewarding those who were occupied in seeking work that was shown in other programs such as the Montreal Day Shelter.

The 1933 rhetoric used to justify the need to expend funds to deal with the unemployed and underemployed will be familiar to present day advocates of recreation services who must assure decision makers that leisure is Awholesome,@ that it is important, and that it is worthy of financial support.

The employment dislocation has now added millions, many of whom will never again be profitably employed, to the young and middle-aged population with idle time >on their hands=. Wholesome use of idle time is rapidly becoming one of the greatest social challenges of our day, while against effort to meet it raises the fear of costs: >it is no time to develop fads and frills when people must be fed and clothed.= But against this must be set the enervating costs of idleness and deterioration . . . .[30]

In the 21st century we refer to this as Abenefits based recreation@ and continue to extol the benefits of recreation.[31] Unfortunately, as was discovered by William Bowie in his survey of conditions in Western Canada, the decrease in recreation staff appeared to be one of the first considerations of decision makers faced with reduced budgets. Among Bowie's conclusions after his trip was that Athe fact that in the general efforts towards economy decrease of recreation staff seems to be the first consideration@ and he viewed this as Anot a good omen.@ In his opinion, there was:

very little realization on the part of Recreation Departments that it was their job ! as recreation experts - to provide a leisure time programme for the unemployed, not a programme for homeless men only but rather a programme contributing to the maintaining of morale for the whole family.[32]

So we are shown two of the dilemmas of the time - how to provide programs in the face of budget reductions? and to whom should the programs be targeted? The realization in the early years of the Depression that recreation and sport could and should be provided instead of work, was replaced by programs that treated recreation and sport as work in solving unemployment.


Recreation and Sport As Work

The Early Programs

As part of the solution to the unemployment problem, the federal government developed a program of relief work camps for the unemployed, leading to the creation of recreation opportunities as a product of work. While at first glance these camps may be considered comparable to the well publicized Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) in the United States, evidence suggests that they were certainly not as conducive to the workers' well-being and skill development as the CCC camps were. They have even been described by some as Aslave camps@ with an underlying motives to make men fit for war should it ever come,[33] and to Aget the unemployed out of populated centres and thereby ease some of the strain on the already overburdened municipal relief agencies.@[34] The camps were severely lacking in recreation opportunities. Both the Council on Child and Family Welfare and the YMCA attempted to influence the federal Department of National Defence to improve recreation services to these men, but these volunteer organizations met with limited success. While recreation and sport was not viewed as essential inside the camps for men during their leisure, these men,  through their labour, were developing part of the delivery system for parks and recreation. Relief work built recreation facilities in several national parks as well as Montreal's Mount Royal and St. Helen's Island Parks.[35] Thus recreation facilities were the product of programs for the unemployed, even though the unemployed were seldom able to benefit from this product during the 1930's. Again, these programs targeted unemployed men; there is no mention of federal relief programs for unemployed women.

As noted, the Canadian and American programs to provide work for unemployed men may appear similar in nature. However, in practice, the Canadian Unemployment Relief Camps and the United States Civilian Conservation Corps camps were political leagues apart. While some writers of the day lauded the Canadian Relief Camps, others decried their lack of recreation opportunities, and most present day researchers heap scathing words of condemnation upon the conditions in the camps and the attitudes of those in charge of the system. In contrast, the Civilian Conservation Corps camps continue to be viewed somewhat fondly in articles such as the one sub-titled Athanks for the memories.@[36] The CCC members referred to themselves as ARoosevelt=s Tree Army.@[37] The CCC has a museum in Florida with an annual CCC Festival,[38] a museum and research centre in Missouri,[39] a restored camp in Minnesota,[40] and a statue in California.[41] There is also an alumni group, the National Association of Civilian Conservation Corps Alumni, whose mission is Ato remember and celebrate the efforts of the Civilian Conservation Corps@ and whose cars sport yellow and green bumper stickers reading ARemember The Civilian Conservation Corps.@[42] Undoubtedly there were difficulties in these camps, but the CCC experiences were usually viewed as positive ones for the men, which resulted in facilities that continue to be viewed with pride.

But what were the conditions in the Unemployment Relief Camps in Canada that led the Relief Camp Workers Union to describe them as Aslave camps@?[43] The camps were run by the Department of National Defence (DND) and were in remote locations. The living conditions were described in varying ways. The military viewed them as being Asuitable accommodations.@[44] Camp inhabitants considered a camp in Riding Mountain park as bearing Aa marked resemblance to a hog pen or a dog pound.@[45] In a mountain winter with daytime temperatures around minus 22EF,[46] a Department of Labour inspector at another camp informed his supervisor by telegram that a camp in Jasper park had Afive canvas tents totally unfit [for] winter conditions@ with Aseveral tents [in] poor shape and badly pitched.@[47] To the discomfort of cold temperatures and of living in the tents was added the lack of proper clothing. Waiser describes all of these discomforts in Jasper in November as follows:

a blizzard swept through the region, leaving bone-chilling temperatures in its wake. Lacking proper clothing, the men were unable to last more than an hour at the job before the cold forced them to retreat to their tents; even here they found little comfort and spent seemingly endless hours huddling together in home-made toques and with socks over their hands.[48]

The camps were described positively by Major-General McNaughton, DND=s Chief of the General Staff, as including Afacilities for sports, recreation, education and spiritual welfare,@ which could augment the camps' goal to Aimprove the morale and mental and physical condition of the single homeless unemployed.@[49] A contrasting view of life in these camps was provided by Eric Muncaster, an employee of the Council on Child and Family Welfare, in a letter to the YMCA with his evaluation of the recreation and sport opportunities for camp residents.

There can be no question that at present the educational and recreational needs of the men in the Unemployment Relief Camps are not being met adequately, and plans for dealing with the whole matter require most careful consideration.[50]

The YMCA's response, while supportive, was not an optimistic one:

While we are greatly concerned with the position of the young men in the unemployment camps, we feel that the problem is much too large for voluntary organizations to handle adequately, and that a thorough-going policy on the part of the Government is essential if these camps are even to fulfil the temporary purposes for which they were established.[51]

The contrast between the view of the military and that of the voluntary organizations can be explained by understanding the military's view of funding recreation opportunities. Apparently, in its quest for a no frills approach to dealing with Apublic charity,@ the military proclaimed proudly that Anot one cent of public money has been spent...on reading materials and recreational equipment.@[52] The funding for such services came from a fund that received voluntary donations, and in the Depression when the public had limited resources to donate, the camps certainly had no services.[53] The Council on Child and Family Welfare went to the aid of the men in the camps by producing a press release for Canadian Press launching an appeal for recreation and sport equipment.[54] The records indicate that the response was not overwhelming. The best that the Council could do was to discuss the matter with the military officials, to provide the military with information from the National Recreation Association about the Civilian Conservation Corps Camps and to make a set of recommendations to the military about recreation in the camps.[55]

In the national parks camps, some recreation was provided as part of National Parks Commissioner J. B. Harkin=s attempts at social control, fearing that Aidleness fostered communism@[56] Promoting a theme which we have seen before, Harkin decreed that:

Roughly one third of their time, after allowing for the eight-hour work day and about eight hours for sleeping would be on their hands and probably few of them would know how to employ it. Such idleness would be fertile ground for red propaganda if there should be a few men with Bolshevistic inclinations among the men in the camps. In any case it does not seem to me a desirable condition to have men sitting around during long winter evenings and Sundays with no amusements or recreation.[57]

Harkin=s staff also put controls on how the men could spend their 20 cents per day allowance. Waiser recounts one of those controls on acquiring alcoholic beverages:

To prevent the men from spending their earnings on booze, the park superintendent also provided the Jasper liquor vendor with the names of those working on relief projects and asked him not to serve them in the interests of their wives and families and the community.[58]           

But what were the products of the work camps in both Canada and the United States? In both countries substantial work was done in National Parks. The Civilian Conservation Corps left what is described as Aa splendid heritage of parks, dams, bridges, roads and hundreds of conservation and restoration projects in every corner of the country.@[59] The Relief Camps operated in eight of the nine provinces, leaving a legacy that is more modest. Relief camp labour provided facilities in eight of the 14 national parks existing in the early 1930's.[60] Each of these parks received improvements such as road work, buildings, campgrounds, golf courses, tennis courts, bandstands, cabins, logging, etc. The most enduring monument to the work of these labourers is the Banff-Jasper Highway.[61] While the men in the camps were providing splendid opportunities for others' leisure, the tone of the camps set by the federal government and the paternalistic approach of the National Parks Commissioner, J. B. Harkin, did little to create positive life experiences, let alone positive leisure experiences, for the camp workers.[62]

The Later Programs

Another set of strategies which addressed the needs of the unemployed and considered recreation as a product were the programs that grew out of the federal government's 1937 Unemployment and Agricultural Assistance Act and its successors in 1938 and 1939.[63] Based in large part on input from Ian Eisenhardt, director of the British Columbia Provincial Recreation program (BC Pro-Rec), to the National Employment Commission (NEC), the federal government established the Dominion-Provincial Youth Training Program. This program funded training of unemployed young people, both men and women, in several occupational areas. It attempted to make them fit for work. Inherent in the program were recreation and sport opportunities on two fronts: firstly, the training programs for all fields were to include physical recreation opportunities in the training camps; secondly, the training of physical recreation leaders was a distinct occupational training program. This latter part of the cost-shared program was entered into by five provinces , beginning their first provincial recreation and sport leadership training programs.

The process of developing these federal programs went through two major steps. The first set of steps were within the Youth Employment Committee (YEC) of the National Employment Commission. Ian Eisenhardt was a key contributor to the Youth Employment Committee, drawing upon his experience as director of the BC Pro-Rec program. Based on his meeting with the YEC , a set of Ageneral principles@ were agreed to which included volunteer local advisory committees, programming based on local needs, and focussing on but not restricting programs only to Aunemployed youth.@[64] One of the Committee's findings was that:

there has been a definite failure to prepare youth for leisure time through lack both of facilities and training. Furthermore, the Committee finds a lack of co-operation among agencies which are, presumably, interested in the problem, and a failure to guard against the moral hazards which interfere with wholesome recreation.[65]

The report concluded that, even though immediate employment for all youth was not possible,

Something, however, could be done to assist our young people to keep fit, mentally, morally and physically, so that as and when opportunity for employment is offered, they will be in a condition to avail themselves of it rather than having sunk to a condition of permanent unemployability.[66]

Among the recommendations was one for a Training and Physical Recreation Plan wherein the government would establish "Young Men's Training Centres" in 26 cities across Canada; and one for a National Youth Service with a Board that would create national policy to bring about employment and education for employment.[67] These recommendations did not proceed beyond the policy level to the action level. But, action was what was necessary.

Rather than create a National Youth Service, the National Employment Commission recommended the creation of the Dominion-Provincial program, not just for youth but also for adults. Its efforts were to create a two-pronged national program:

(a) for the training of youth who have, as a result of depression conditions, never been in gainful occupation, and

(b) for the restoration of skill, physique and morale, particularly of the middle-aged group.[68]

The youth program provided opportunities for training in forestry and conservation, mining, apprenticeships, agriculture, domestic and household work, and most importantly to recreation and sport, Aphysical training and health education of varying character, suited to maintain the morale and improve the physical fitness of young people.@[69] Out of this program came not only recreation leadership training programs for about 500 participants per year, but also physical recreation training for the participants of the other training programs such as forestry, mining, domestic work, etc.[70]

But what did this contribute to recreation as a product? The key contribution was that physical recreation training programs were established in the six provinces (British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Quebec and New Brunswick).71 Modelled on Ian Eisenhardt=s BC Pro-Rec programme, these programs were the foundation for the training of leaders in the recreation and sport field. The programs typically included physical training, recreation, health education, first aid and citizenship. The programs involved a centralized leadership training program for unemployed male and female youth who would then return to work in their home communities on projects related to physical training and recreation.

In the case of Alberta, which had the first training program outside of British Columbia, the first centralized program in 1938 was a three week one at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, initially led by instructors from BC. Initially, about 50 leaders were trained each year.72 Within two years, by 1940, the program had expanded to include funding for 100 leaders and the leadership training course had moved to Calgary.73 The programs that the leaders were to run were open to both the employed and unemployed in the communities, although controversy developed about the relative priorities of these two groups. Should the program be solely for the unemployed in a community or should they include others in the community such as those Edmonton attendees described by one bureaucrat as Amarried women and over 35 years of age who are not necessitous cases.@74 By the end of 1940 there were 172 groups operating in 104 communities across the province.75 Programs in Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Quebec and New Brunswick had similar training and community work, although specific content could vary from province to province based on each province=s perception of its employment needs and its agreement with the federal government - often under the general title of Aphysical training and citizenship.@76

The Dominion-Provincial Youth Training Program funding ceased on March 31, 1943.77 As this program ceased, the federal government=s priorities changed from employment training programs  to physical fitness promotion programs under the 1943 ANational Physical Fitness Act.@78 More telling of the program emphasis was that the new program was the responsibility of the Department of National Health rather than the Department of Labour. Recreation and sport were now health issues rather than employment issues.

 

In Summary

In the 1930's recreation and sport was viewed as a remedy - an antidote - to unemployment. It was provided instead of work. It was provided as work. The underlying motive was often linked to social control - the control of mischief or of disruptive behaviour. It was often linked to character development. Even though other motives were part of the rhetoric, work was often the goal. In that goal we have the beginning of the present day recreation profession as these recreation and sport training programs were initially programs for the unemployed, and then developed into community-based programs which had recreation and sport opportunities for both men and women as a product. The leaders of those programs became the recreation professionals of the late 1930's. As World War Two broke out, unemployment was no longer an issue, fitness for war was an issue. Thus employment issues were superseded by fitness and health issues.

 



[1]. S. E. Markham, AAdvocates for National Recreation Services in the 1930's: Well-being? Work? War?@ in Access to Active Living, ed. F. I. Bell and G. H. Van Gyn (Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, 1994), 87-92.

[2]. There are over 30 studies that address the issue of recreation and sport in Canada in the 1930's, however, the following list is limited to those studies in which primary source material was used:

J. L. Gear, AFactors Influencing the Development of Government Sponsored Physical Fitness Programmes in Canada from 1850 to 1972,@ Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 4 (December 1973): 1-25;

W. D. Hallett, AA History of Federal Government Involvement in the Development of Sport in Canada: 1943-1979" (Ph.D. thesis, The University of Alberta, 1981);

R. S. Lappage, ASport in Canada During the Depression,@ in Proceedings of the North American Society for Sport History, Fifth Annual Convention (Windsor: 1977) 45.

R. S. Lappage, ABritish Columbia's Contribution to the Dominion-Provincial Youth Training Program Through the Provincial-Recreation Program,@ Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 9 (May 1978): 86-92;

E. M. McFarland, The Development of Public Recreation in Canada (Ottawa: Canadian Parks/Recreation Association, 1970);

L. W. Sawula, AWhy 1970, Why Not Before?@ Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 4 (December 1973): 43-58;

L. W. Sawula, AThe National Physical Fitness Act of Canada: 1943-1954" (Ph.D. thesis, The University of Alberta, 1977);

B. Schrodt, AA History of Pro-Rec: The British Columbia Provincial Recreation Programme - 1934 to 1953 (Ph.D. thesis, The University of Alberta, 1979);

B. Schrodt, AOrigins of British Columbia's Pro-Rec@ in Proceedings of the Fourth Canadian Symposium on the History of Sport and Physical Education (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1979);

B. Schrodt, AFederal Programmes of Physical Recreation and Fitness: The Contributions of Ian Eisenhardt and BC's Pro-Rec,@ Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 15 (December 1984): 45-61; and

J. T. West, APhysical Fitness, Sport and the Federal Government: 1909-1954,@ Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 4 (December 1973): 26-42.

[3]. Letter from C. Whitton to W. J. Fulton, 2 May 1932, MG28 I10, Vol 8 File 42,

National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[4]. ARecreation and Leisure Time Services in Canada, 1936,@ 32, 33, 38, 39 in MG28 I10, Vol. 164, File 10-5-2/2, Vol. I, National Archives of Canada.

[5]. ASt. John=s Newfoundland has Successful Unemployed Men=s Club,@ Child and Family Welfare 11 (March, 1936): 38-42.

[6]. ACalgary 'Y' Leisure Time League,@ MG28 I95, Vol. 285, File 6, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[7]. ACalgary 'Y' Leisure Time League,@ MG28 I95, Vol. 285, File 6, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[8]. ACalgary 'Y' Leisure Time League,@ MG28 I95, Vol. 285, File 6, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[9]. Form letter from the President, Calgary 'Y' Leisure Time League, 15 September 1933, MG28 I95, Vol. 285, File 6, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[10]. Form letter from the Secretary, Calgary 'Y' Leisure Time League to Ministers, October 1933, MG28 I95, Vol. 285, File 6, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[11]. Letter from the Secretary, to Ministers, October 1933.

[12]. F. D. Adams, The Day Shelter for Unemployed Men-Montreal: Report of Its Operations for the Second Year-Winter of 1932-33 (Montreal: McGill University, 1933), 2. [In RG27, Vol. 3133, File 149, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.]

[13]. Adams, 1-2.

[14]. AUnemployment and Recreation,@ Child and Family Welfare 7 (January 1932): 55-56; citing the National Recreation Association=s Bulletin Service.

[15]. AOn to Ottawa@ website at http://www.ontoottawa.ca/trek/trek.html

[16]. W. F. Shepherd, AIdleness Relief,@ Maclean's Magazine, 15 April 1932, 14, 53-54.

[17]. Shepherd, 54.

[18]. L. R. Betcherman, The Little Band: The Clashes Between the Communists and the Political and Legal Establishment in Canada, 1928-1932 (Ottawa 1985), 93, 105; cited in B. Waiser Park Prisoners: The Untold Story of Western Canada=s National Parks, 1915-1946 (Saskatoon: Fifth House Ltd., 1995), 87.

[19]. Adams, 14-16.

[20]. Adams, 16.

[21]. Letter from C. Whitton to W. J. Fulton, 2 May 1932, MG28 I10, Vol. 8, File 42-1932, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[22]. Telegram from C. Whitton to F. W. Gershaw, 10 June 1932, MG28 I10, Vol. 8, File 42-1932, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[23]. Telegram from F. W. Gershaw to C. Whitton, 11 June 1932, MG28 I10, Vol. 8, File 42-1932, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[24]. ADivision of Recreation, Education and Leisure Time Activities,@ Child and Family Welfare 9 (May 1933): 23.

[25]. The population of Medicine Hat in 1931 was 10,300 and in 1936 was 9,592. Population data from A.F.J. Artibise, Town and City: Aspects of Western Canadian Urban Development, Canadian Plains Studies Series, no. 10 (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1981), 421; citing Censuses of Canada.

[26]. ABoard Meeting-November 6, 1931,@ Child and Family Welfare 7 (November 1931): 20.

[27]. L. P. Jacks, AToday's Unemployment and Tomorrow's Leisure,@ Recreation 25 (December 1931): 478-482, 532;

J. Walter, APublic Recreation in Periods of Economic Depression,@ Recreation 25 (December 1931): 496-498; and

AThe Eighteenth Annual Recreation Congress and Unemployment,@ Recreation 25 (December 1931): 475-477, 530-532.

[28]. Jacks, 478-479.

[29]. AUnemployment and Recreation,@ 55-56.

[30]. ADivision of Recreation, Education and Leisure Time Activities,@ 22.

[31]. Canadian Parks/Recreation Association, The Benefits Catalogue (Ottawa: Canadian Parks/ Recreation Association, 1997). The subtitle of the Benefits Catalogue is Asummarizing why recreation, sports, fitness, arts, culture and parks are essential to personal, social, economic, and environmental well-being.@

[32]. ADivision of Recreation, Education and Leisure Time Activities,@ 25.

[33]. P. Burton, The Great Depression (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1991), 179.

[34]. Waiser, 52

[35]. L. Bella, Parks for Profit (Montreal, Harvest House Ltd., 1987), 174-175; and

McFarland, 48.

[36]. D. D. Jackson, ATo the CCC: Thanks for the Memories and Monuments,@ Smithsonian 25 (December 1994): 4.

[37]. ARoosevelt=s Tree Army@ at http://www.cccalumni.org/history1.html

[38]. AHighlands Hammock State Park@ at http://www.dep.state.fl.us/parks/district4/highlandshammock/index.asp

[39]. AThe CCC Museum and Research Center@ at http://www.cccalumni.org/museum.html

[40]. Jackson, 77.

[41]. Ibid.

[42]. ACivilian Conservation Corps@ at http://www.cccalumni.org and author=s personal collection.

[43]. Burton, 316.

[44]. A. G. L. McNaughton, AThe Unemployment Service Projects Administered by the Department of National Defence,@ Child and Family Welfare 9 (March 1934): 56.

[45]. Burton, 178.

[46]. Bella, 88.

[47]. Bella, 88.

[48]. Edmonton Journal, December 3, 1931; cited in Waiser, 68.

[49]. McNaughton, 57.

[50]. Letter from E. Muncaster to G. W. Birks, 15 February 1934, MG28 I10, Vol. 9, File 42-1934 Vol. I, Pt. 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[51]. Letter from E. M. Best to E. Muncaster, 28 February 1934, MG28 I10, Vol. 9, File 42-1934, Vol. I, Pt. 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[52]. Burton, 328, citing an internal memo in the Department of National Defence.

[53]. Letter from E. Muncaster to A. Jones, 28 February 1934, MG28 I10, Vol. 9, File 42-1934 Vol. I Pt. 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[54]. Press Release, 6 February 1934, MG28 I10, Vol. 9, File 42-1934 Vol. II Pt. 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[55]. ARecreation in the Camps@ 13 December 1933; Letter from E. Muncaster to Col. D. W. B. Spry, 14 December 1933; Memo from Col. D. W. B. Spry to officers commanding relief camps, 4 January 1934; and Letter from S. Rough to E. Muncaster, 21 March 1934. All correspondence in MG28 I10, Vol. 9, File 42-1934 Vol. I Pt. 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[56]. Bella, 89.

[57]. Letter from J. B. Harkin to H. H. Rowatt, 6 November 1931, RG 84, Vol. 218, File U315, National Archives of Canada; cited in Bella, 89.

[58]. Waiser, 69.

[59]. Jackson, 67

[60]. Bella, 174-175.

[61]. Bella, 174-175.

[62]. Bella, 86-90.

[63]. Statutes of Canada, 1937, 1 Geo VI, c. 44 AThe Unemployment and Agricultural Assistance Act;@

Statutes of Canada, 1938, 2 Geo VI, c. 25 AThe Unemployment and Agricultural Assistance Act;@ and

Statutes of Canada, 1939, 3 Geo VI, c. 35 The Youth Training Act@

[64]. AReport of Conference between Mr. Ian Eisenhardt and Mr. Fred Bartlett re: certain physical recreational schemes suggested by the National Youth Employment Committee - September 9-10-11" 1936, GR 459 Box 11 File 3 British Columbia Public Archives and Record Services.

[65]. AReport of the Youth Employment Committee to the National Employment Commission@ 9 October 1936, 16, RG27, Vol. 3375, File 2, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

[66]. AReport of the Y.E.C.,@ 17.

[67]. AReport of the Y.E.C.,@ 28 and Appendix G-1, p. 3

[68]. A. B. Purvis, Final Report of the National Employment Commission (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1938), 11.

[69]. Purvis, 11-12.

[70]. Canada, Department of Labour. Report of the Department of Labour for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1940 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1940), 102.                  

71. Canada, Department of Labour. Review of the Dominion Provincial Youth Training Programme for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1939 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1939), 11;

Canada, Department of Labour. Review of the Dominion Provincial Youth Training Programme for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1940 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1940), 6;

Canada, Department of Labour. Report of the Dominion Supervisor of Training for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1941 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1941), 7-8; and

Canada, Department of Labour. Report of the Dominion Supervisor of Training for the Fiscal Year Ending March 31, 1942 (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1942), 7.

72. ADominion-Alberta Youth Training Agreement 1938-39 Schedule F, Physical Training and Recreation@ RG27, Vol. 696, File Y12-1-7, Sec. 3, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

73. ADominion-Alberta Youth Training Agreement 1940 Schedule F, Physical Training and Recreation@ RG27, Vol. 696, File Y12-1-7, Sec. 7, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

74. Letter from M. M. MacKinnon to R. F. Thompson, 22 Oct 1938, RG27, Vol. 696, File Y-12-1-7 Sec. 3, National Archives of Canada, Ottawa.

75. McFarland, 50.

76. Canada. Department of Labour, 1939, 1940, 1941, 1942.

77. McFarland, 51.

78. Canada. Statutes of Canada. 1943. 7 George 6, c. 17